Post left
“The most vulgar, simplistic view of the Left — that dissolves all the supposed distinctions between centrists, liberals, leftists, socialists, communists into one homogenous Democratic blob — happens to be correct.” So writes Benedict Cryptofash, an anonymous Twitter user and self-described “anti-leftist” whose other theoretical contributions include “the Left and Right are fake and gay” and “only libtards care about policy”. Post left social media influencer
I am a Marxist who considers “leftism” as the ideology of bourgeois supremacy. Leftism is the modern equivalent of the Classical liberalism that Karl Marx spent his later years attempting to demolish.
I critique the Left wing not because the Left wing are worse than the Right wing but because the Left wing are better than the Right wing at precluding proletarian class consciousness.”
Although I profess my commitment to traditionally Left-wing goals including anti-capitalism, I am mostly defined by my zealous hostility to both the Democratic Party and the radical Leftoids — including the DSA (Democratic Socialists of America) and the academic-literary Left wing of media such as Jacobin, n+1 and Dissent.
My core dissertation is that the actual ruling class in the US is the progressive oligarchy that is represented in the political sphere by the Democratic Party. I believe that the Democrats are the party of Silicon Valley, Wall Street, the Ivy League, the MSM, the upper levels of the national security state and federal bureaucracy, and generally of very educated professionals
I view the the Republicans, though as loathsome, as they are very much a distraction — a tenuous alliance between a minority faction of the ruling class and petit bourgeois.
I believe that the GOP who are for all intents and purposes incapable of governing outside the limits set up by the Democrats and Democrat-aligned media, corporations, NGOs and government bureaucracies, serve their actual function as a type of ideological bogeyman.
I believe that in positioning itself as the last line of defense against phantasmic threats of “fascism” and “white nationalism” coming out of the right wing, the ruling class is well within its means to legitimize its own power and to thus conceal its domination on which that power is held
When I say leftists here, I mean leftists including Ivy League professors, Antifa militants from Portland, Oregon— and such Leftists are therefore slightly more than the ruling class's unwitting dupes
Now as much I profess to super dislike the Democratic Party, I am, in practice, the Democrat Party's running-dog lackeys. I support the Democrat party electorally, I annoy and cancel the Democrat Party's designated enemies and I enforce pro-Democrat ideology in the media, support such Democrat ideology in academia and I spread such Democrat ideology in my workplace.
I also help maintain the everlasting state of moral emergency that is used as a pretext for the expansion of ruling class power, whether in the shape of the increasingly direct control that tech monopolies exert over political discourse or the over political discourse and similar things
At the core of this analysis by me is the viewpoint that “idpol' (identity politics), “anti racism”, “intersectionality” and other tenants of the progressive culture war are mystifications that function to demoralize and divide the proletariat.
I disregard the motion that there is still a radical Left that is meaningfully distinct from the Democrats . I find such notions to be meaningless.
I see the Democrats, and by extension the Leftoids, as my primary opposition, so I have no qualms engaging and even entering into provisional alliances (or marriages of convience) with American republicanism adherents, Right-Eurosceptics, reactionary-Tory Ordo Liberals and in particular on cultural issues.
Once we have no use for those rightoids, we can eliminate that right-wing opposition in a comparatively simple manner
I operate at varying layers of coherence and theoretical sophistication, and I do not have a sustained considerationsof political theory.
I support a revival of millennial chapo trap house-Dirtbag left economics
I channel mighty currents of Marxist and post-Marxist critique the likes of which have been downplayed or unremembered during the “Great Awokening” and the current socialist renaissance. This includes me channeling Amadeo Bordiga’s communist hostility to “anti-fascist” collaboration with the bourgeoisie to Christopher Lasch’s writings early on about the med-therapeutic state as a weapon of class domination.
This also includes me channeling philosopher and Marxist Paul Piccone, who was the founder and long-time editor of the critical theory journal Telos and another post leftist like me
Piccone at the start of his career was a disciple of Herbert Marcuse and advocate of his theory of “one-dimensionality”, which said that capitalism had advanced to such a place in the West as to effectively destroy all opposition to itself. With the proletariat co-opted by consumerism, radicals, in the view of Herbert Marcuse, should rather look for resistance from racial minorities and similar marginalized people (outcasts) who had not been integrated into the system at that point.
But by the late 1970s, Piccone, in response to the failures of the New Left, split with Mancuse. He started to claim that the new social movements that Marcuse had viewed as manifestations of anti-system negativity had actually been variants of what Piccone dubbed “artificial negativity” — pseudo-radical protest movements created by the system itself.
Paul Piccone was in agreement with Herbert Marcuse that by the middle of the 20th century, capitalism had won over all internal resistance. But he thought that because the system needed such resistance as to periodically restructure itself and not fall into stagnation, it had started to design its own controlled opposition.
He viewed the initial Civil Rights movement, for example, as a by product of the system’s need to “rationalize” the segregated labor market of the Southern US, after which it effortlessly transitioned to promoting black nationalism in an “attempt to artificially reconstitute an otherness which had long since been effectively destroyed”.
What he viewed as the radical protest movement against the Vietnam War had, in similar ways, only permitted an evolving US capitalist class to desert an imperial quagmire that had turned into being out of date.
Indeed, Piccone became so pessimistic about the “artificial” nature of Western leftism that he devoted much of the rest of his career attempting to find extant pockets of, and tools for cultivating, “organic negativity” — his label for social practices and political designs that truly were positioned outside the rationale of the system.
Some of these he was able to find on the far-Right of the mainstream, in Italian Lega Nord;s regionalism, in the anti-liberal political works of Carl Schmitt, in Paul Gottfried and Sam Francis's paleoconservatism and in the right-wing “identitarianism” of Alain de Benoist.
Such findings, or curiosities might have been seem by at least Piccone to be justifiable since in Piccone’s view, just about all of what passed for radicalism in the West's mature societies was actually pseudo-radicalism that at the end of the day served capitalist interests.
Although Paul Piccone could be more than a smidge conspiratorial, it is not difficult to see how his “artificial negativity” thesis might be applied to a great amount of the officially sanctioned cultural radicalism of our day, which can help to explain why ideas in the same vein as his ideas have begun to resurface.
I also point to the experience of leftists during the age of Donald Trump who found themselves corralled into an anti-Trump popular front that saw them allying with not just centrist Democrats but also allying with Never-Trump Republicans, which included many of which who were the architects of the Iraq War.
Amadeo Bordiga had argued in opposition to this kind of broad-based “anti-fascism”, which he warned would “breathe life into that great poisonous monster, a great bloc comprising every form of capitalist exploitation, along with all of its beneficiaries”, and this is clearly what occurred — Left Social Democrats like Bernie Sanders and AOC, who at the start were popular for opposing the Democrats' “corporate” establishment, in the end fell in line behind the party’s leadership and goaded their followers to follow suit
The Donald Trump years also brought to light something about the nature of power in the US that, once observed, is difficult to unobserve
For every warning that Trump would turn out to be A.H, in practice Trump ended up being more like Silvio Berlusconi — a edgy entertainer with a notorious personal life who in more respects than not ended up governing like a normal politician.
What has happened on the other end of the political landscape was more covert but also, ultimately, more sinister. We saw the national MSM collaborating with shadowy intelligence agents and researchers to launder a supposed theory about Russian collusion and, after that to use pages from the same playbook to block Trump’s planned Afghanistan.withdrawal
We have seen an endless stream of media-generated and wealthy NGO-funded campaigns against racism and anti Transgenderism utilized to the electoral priorities of the Democrats.
We have seen the “CRT (Critical Race Theory)”, a crude idealized rationalization of the Democrats’ coalitional logic, promoted to the level of quasi-official religion.
We have seen Twitter wrongly suspending The NYPost for rightfully publishing embarrassing info about Joe Biden’s son Hunter Biden leading up to the 2020 Presidential election and payments processors like PayPal partnering up with progressive NGOs to spy on their customers and to report “extremists” to law enforcement.(PayPal is basically a payment processor arm of progressive NGOs)
To sum it up, we have seen the consolidation of a almost-unified ruling class bloc aligned mask off with the Democratic Party versus the potential disruption of Donald Trump.
This development has already built a host of weird new political alliances. If this holds up, we should not be shocked if more than a few anti-capitalist radicals start to reassess who their real enemies are.
Here is a good read about the Double horseshoe theory of class politics
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FinancialStructureCultural/MontetaryCultural
Ideology II (Dark Mutualism)
Political journalists, personalities , parties , factions and groups
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